Title: |
Graves De Communi Re
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Descr.: |
On Christian Democracy
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Pope: |
Pope Leo XIII
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Date: |
January 18, 1901
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To
Our Venerable Brethren the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops,
Bishops, and Other Ordinaries in Peace and Communion with the
Apostolic See.
1.
The grave discussions on economical questions which for some time
past have disturbed the peace of several countries of the world
are growing in frequency and intensity to such a degree that the
minds of thoughtful men are filled, and rightly so, with worry and
alarm. These discussions take their rise in the bad philosophical
and ethical teaching which is now widespread among the people. The
changes, also, which the mechanical inventions of the age have
introduced, the rapidity of communication between places, and the
devices of every kind for diminishing labor and increasing gain,
all add bitterness to the strife; and, lastly, matters have been
brought to such a pass by the struggle between capital and labor,
fomented as it is by professional agitators, that the countries
where these disturbances most frequently occur find themselves
confronted with ruin and disaster.
2.
At the very beginning of Our pontificate We clearly pointed out
what the peril was which confronted society on this head, and We
deemed it Our duty to warn Catholics, in unmistakable language(1),
how great the error was which was lurking in the utterances of
socialism, and how great the danger was that threatened not only
their temporal possessions, but also their morality and religion.
That was the purpose of Our encyclical letter Quod Apostolici
Muneris which We published on the 28th of December in the year
1878; but, as these dangers day by day threatened still greater
disaster, both to individuals and the commonwealth, We strove with
all the more energy to avert them. This was the object of Our
encyclical Rerum Novarum of the 15th of May, 1891, in which we
dwelt at length on the rights and duties which both classes of
society - those namely, who control capital, and those who
contribute labor - are bound in relation to each other; and at the
same time, We made it evident that the remedies which are most
useful to protect the cause of religion, and to terminate the
contest between the different classes of society, were to be found
in the precepts of the Gospel.
3.
Nor, with God's grace, were Our hopes entirely frustrated. Even
those who are not Catholics, moved by the power of truth, avowed
that the Church must be credited with a watchful care over all
classes of society, and especially those whom fortune had least
favored. Catholics, of course, profited abundantly by these
letters, for they not only received encouragement and strength for
the excellent undertakings in which they were engaged, but also
obtained the light which they needed in order to study this order
of problems with great sureness and success. Hence it happened
that the differences of opinion which prevailed among them were
either removed or lessened. In the order of action, much has been
done in favor of the proletariat, especially in those places where
poverty was at its worst. Many new institutions were set on foot,
those which were already established were increased, and all
reaped the benefit of a greater stability. Such are, for instance,
the popular bureaus which supply information to the uneducated;
the rural banks which make loans to small farmers; the societies
for mutual help or relief; the unions of working men and other
associations or institutions of the same kind. Thus, under the
auspices of the Church, a measure of united action among Catholics
was secured, as well as some planning in the setting up of
agencies for the protection of the masses which, in fact, are as
often oppressed by guile and exploitation of their necessities as
by their own indigence and toil.
4.
This work of popular aid had, at first, no name of its own. The
name of Christian Socialism, with its derivatives, which was
adopted by some was very properly allowed to fall into disuse.
Afterwards, some asked to have it called the popular Christian
Movement. In the countries most concerned with this matter, there
are some who are known as Social Christians. Elsewhere, the
movement is described as Christian Democracy and its partisans as
Christian Democrats, in opposition to what the socialists call
Social Democracy. Not much exception is taken to the first of
these two names, i.e., Social Christians, but many excellent men
find the term Christian Democracy objectionable. They hold it to
be very ambiguous and for this reason open to two objections. It
seems by implication covertly to favor popular government and to
disparage other methods of political administration. Secondly, it
appears to belittle religion by restricting its scope to the care
of the poor, as if the other sections of society were not of its
concern. More than that, under the shadow of its name there might
easily lurk a design to attack all legitimate power, either civil
or sacred. Wherefore, since this discussion is now so widespread,
and so bitter, the consciousness of duty warns Us to put a check
on this controversy and to define what Catholics are to think on
this matter. We also propose to describe how the movement may
extend its scope and be made more useful to the commonwealth.
5.
What Social Democracy is and what Christian Democracy ought to be,
assuredly no one can doubt. The first, with due consideration to
the greater or less intemperance of its utterance, is carried to
such an excess by many as to maintain that there is really nothing
existing above the natural order of things, and that the
acquirement and enjoyment of corporal and external goods
constitute man's happiness. It aims at putting all government in
the hands of the masses, reducing all ranks to the same level,
abolishing all distinction of class, and finally introducing
community of goods. Hence, the right to own private property is to
be abrogated, and whatever property a man possesses, or whatever
means of livelihood he has, is to be common to all.
6.
As against this, Christian Democracy, by the fact that it is
Christian, is built, and necessarily so, on the basic principles
of divine faith, and it must provide better conditions for the
masses, with the ulterior object of promoting the perfection of
souls made for things eternal. Hence, for Christian Democracy,
justice is sacred; it must maintain that the right of acquiring
and possessing property cannot be impugned, and it must safeguard
the various distinctions and degrees which are indispensable in
every well-ordered commonwealth. Finally, it must endeavor to
preserve in every human society the form and the character which
God ever impresses on it. It is clear, therefore, that there in
nothing in common between Social and Christian Democracy. They
differ from each other as much as the sect of socialism differs
from the profession of Christianity.
7.
Moreover, it would be a crime to distort this name of Christian
Democracy to politics, for, although democracy, both in its
philological and philosophical significations, implies popular
government, yet in its present application it must be employed
without any political significance, so as to mean nothing else
than this beneficent Christian action in behalf of the people.
For, the laws of nature and of the Gospel, which by right are
superior to all human contingencies, are necessarily independent
of all particular forms of civil government, while at the same
time they are in harmony with everything that is not repugnant to
morality and justice. They are, therefore, and they must remain
absolutely free from the passions and the vicissitudes of parties,
so that, under whatever political constitution, the citizens may
and ought to abide by those laws which command them to love God
above all things, and their neighbors as themselves. This has
always been the policy of the Church. The Roman Pontiffs acted
upon this principle, whenever they dealt with different countries,
no matter what might be the character of their governments. Hence,
the mind and the action of Catholics devoted to promoting the
welfare of the working classes can never be actuated with the
purpose of favoring and introducing one government in place of
another.
8.
In the same manner, we must remove from Christian Democracy
another possible subject of reproach, namely, that while looking
after the advantage of the working people it should seem to
overlook the upper classes of society, for they also are of the
greatest use in preserving and perfecting the commonwealth. The
Christian law of charity, which has just been mentioned, will
prevent us from so doing. For it embraces all men, irrespective of
ranks, as members of one and the same family, children of the same
most beneficent Father, redeemed by the same Savior, and called
to the same eternal heritage. Hence the doctrine of the Apostle,
who warns us that "We are one body and one spirit called to
the one hope in our vocation; one Lord, one faith and one baptism;
one God and the Father of all who is above all, and through all,
and in us all."(2) Wherefore, on account of the union
established by nature between the common people and the other
classes of society, and which Christian brotherhood makes still
closer, whatever diligence we devote to assisting the people will
certainly profit also the other classes, the more so since, as
will be thereafter shown, their cooperation is proper and
necessary for the success of this undertaking.
9.
Let there be no question of fostering under this name of Christian
Democracy any intention of diminishing the spirit of obedience, or
of withdrawing people from their lawful rulers. Both the natural
and the Christian law command us to revere those who in their
various grades are shown above us in the State, and to submit
ourselves to their just commands. It is quite in keeping with our
dignity as men and Christians to obey, not only exteriorly, but
from the heart, as the Apostle expresses it, "for conscience's
sake," when he commands us to keep our soul subject to the
higher powers.(3) It is abhorrent to the profession of
Christianity that any one should feel unwilling to be subject and
obedient to those who rule in the Church, and first of all to the
bishops whom (without prejudice to the universal power of the
Roman Pontiff) "the Holy Spirit has placed to rule the Church
of God which Christ has purchased by His Blood."(4) He who
thinks or acts otherwise is guilty of ignoring the grave precept
of the Apostle who bids us to obey our rulers and to be subject to
them, for they watch as having to give an account of our souls.(5)
Let the faithful everywhere implant these principles deep in their
souls, and put them in practice in their daily life, and let the
ministers of the Gospel meditate them profoundly, and incessantly
labor, not merely by exhortation but especially by example, to
teach them to others.
10.
We have recalled these principles, which on other occasions We had
already elucidated, in the hope that all dispute about the name of
Christian Democracy will cease and that all suspicion of any
danger coming from what the name signifies will be put at rest.
And with reason do We hope so; for, neglecting the opinions of
certain men whose views on the nature and efficacy of this kind of
Christian Democracy are not free from exaggeration and from error,
let no one condemn that zeal which, in accordance with the natural
and divine laws, aims to make the condition of those who toil more
tolerable; to enable them to obtain, little by little, those means
by which they may provide for the future; to help them to practice
in public and in private the duties which morality and religion
inculcate; to aid them to feel that they are not beasts but men,
not heathens but Christians, and so to enable them to strive more
zealously and more eagerly for the one thing which is necessary;
viz., that ultimate good for which we are born into this world.
This is the intention; this is the work of those who wish that the
people should be animated by Christian sentiments and should be
protected from the contamination of socialism which threatens
them.
11.
We have designedly made mention here of virtue and religion. For,
it is the opinion of some, and the error is already very common,
that the social question is merely an economic one, whereas in
point of fact it is, above all, a moral and religious matter, and
for that reason must be settled by the principles of morality and
according to the dictates of religion. For, even though wages are
doubled and the hours of labor are shortened and food is
cheapened, yet, if the working man hearkens to the doctrines that
are taught on this subject, as he is prone to do, and is prompted
by the examples set before him to throw off respect for God and to
enter upon a life of immorality, his labors and his gain will
avail him naught.
12.
Trial and experience have made it abundantly clear that many a
workman lives in cramped and miserable quarters, in spite of his
shorter hours and larger wages, simply because he has cast aside
the restraints of morality and religion. Take away the instinct
which Christian wisdom has planted and nurtured in men's hearts,
take away foresight, temperance, frugality, patience, and other
rightful, natural habits, no matter how much he may strive, he
will never achieve prosperity. That is the reason why We have
incessantly exhorted Catholics to enter these associations for
bettering the condition of the laboring classes, and to organize
other undertakings with the same object in view; but We have
likewise warned them that all this should be done under the
auspices of religion, with its help and under its guidance.
13.
The zeal of Catholics on behalf of the masses is especially
praiseworthy because it is engaged in the very same field in
which, under the benign inspiration of the Church the active
industry of charity has always labored, adapting itself in all
cases to the varying exigencies of the times. For the law of
mutual charity perfects, as it were, the law of justice, not
merely by giving each man his due and in not impeding him in the
exercise of his rights, but also by befriending him, "not
with the word alone, or the lips, but in deed and in
truth";(6) being mindful of what Christ so lovingly said to
His own: "A new commandment I give unto you, that you love
one another, as I have loved you, that you love also one another.
By this shall all men know that you are My disciples, if you have
love one for the other."(7) This zeal in coming to the rescue
of our fellow men should, of course, be solicitous, first for the
eternal good of souls, but it must not neglect what is good and
helpful for this life.
14.
We should remember what Christ said to the disciple of the Baptist
who asked him: "Art thou he that art to come or look we for
another?"(8) He invoked, as proof of the mission given to Him
among men, His exercise of charity, quoting for them the text of
Isaias: "The blind see, the lame walk, the lepers are
cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead rise again, the poor have the
Gospel preached to them."(9) And speaking also of the last
judgment and of the rewards and punishments He will assign, He
declared that He would take special account of the charity men
exercised toward each other. And in that discourse there is one
thing that especially excites our surprise, viz., that Christ
omits those works of mercy which comfort the soul and referring
only to those which comfort the body, He regards them as being
done to Himself: "For I was hungry and you gave Me to eat; I
was thirsty and you gave Me to drink; I was a stranger and you
took Me in; naked and you covered Me; sick and you visited Me; I
was in prison and you came to Me".(10)
15.
To the teachings which enjoin the twofold charity of spiritual and
corporal works Christ adds His own example, so that no one may
fail to recognize the importance which He attaches to it. In the
present instance we recall the sweet words that came from His
paternal heart: "I have pity on the multitude,"(11)as
well as the desire He had to assist them even if it were necessary
to invoke His miraculous power. Of His tender compassion we have
the proclamation made in holy Writ, viz., that "He went about
doing good and healing all that were oppressed by the
devil."(12) This law of charity which He imposed upon His
Apostles, they in the most holy and zealous way put into practice;
and after them those who embraced Christianity originated that
wonderful variety of institutions for alleviating all the miseries
by which mankind is afflicted. And these institutions carried on
and continually increased their powers of relief and were the
especial glories of Christianity and of the civilization of which
it was the source, so that right-minded men never fail to admire
those foundations, aware as they are of the proneness of men to
concern themselves about their own and neglect the needs of
others.
16.
Nor are we to eliminate from the list of good works the giving of
money for charity, in pursuance of what Christ has said: "But
yet that which remaineth, give alms."(13) Against this, the
socialist cries out and demands its abolition as injurious to the
native dignity of man. But, if it is done in the manner which the
Scripture enjoins,(14) and in conformity with the true Christian
spirit, it neither connotes pride in the giver nor inflicts shame
upon the one who receives. Far from being dishonorable for man, it
draws closer the bonds of human society of augmenting the force of
the obligation of the duties which men are under with regard to
each other. No one is so rich that he does not need another's
help; no one so poor as not to be useful in some way to his fellow
man; and the disposition to ask assistance from others with
confidence and to grant it with kindness is part of our very
nature. Thus, justice and charity are so linked with each other,
under the equable and sweet law of Christ, as to form an admirable
cohesive power in human society and to lead all of its members to
exercise a sort of providence in looking after their own and in
seeking the common good as well.
17.
As regards not merely the temporary aid given to the laboring
classes, but the establishment of permanent institutions in their
behalf, it is most commendable for charity to undertake them. It
will thus see that more certain and more reliable means of
assistance will be afforded to the necessitous. That kind of help
is especially worthy of recognition which forms the minds of
mechanics and laborers to thrift and foresight, so that in course
of time they may be able, in part at least, to look out for
themselves. To aim at that is not only to dignify the duty of the
rich toward the poor, but to elevate the poor themselves, for,
while it urges them to work in order to improve their condition,
it preserves them meantime from danger, it refrains immoderation
in their desires, and acts as a spur in the practice of virtue.
Since, therefore, this is of such great avail and so much in
keeping with the spirit of the times, it is a worthy object for
the charity of righteous men to undertake with prudence and zeal.
18.
Let it be understood, therefore, that this devotion of Catholics
to comfort and elevate the mass of the people is in keeping with
the spirit of the Church and is most conformable to the examples
which the Church has always held up for imitation. It matters very
little whether it goes under the name of the Popular Christian
Movement or Christian Democracy, if the instructions that have
been given by Us be fully carried out with fitting obedience. But
it is of the greatest importance that Catholics should be one in
mind, will, and action in a matter of such great moment. And it is
also of importance that the influence of these undertakings should
be extended by the multiplication of men and means devoted to the
same object.
19.
Especially must there be appeals to the kindly assistance of those
whose rank, wealth, and intellectual as well as spiritual culture
give them a certain standing in the community. If their help is
not extended, scarcely anything can be done which will help in
promoting the well-being of the people. Assuredly, the more
earnestly many of those who are prominent citizens conspire
effectively to attain that object, the quicker and surer will the
end be reached. We would, however, have them understand that they
are not at all free to look after or neglect those who happen to
be beneath them, but that it is a strict duty which binds them.
For, no one lives only for his personal advantage in a community;
he lives for the common good as well, so that, when others cannot
contribute their share for the general good, those who can do so
are obliged to make up the deficiency. The very extent of the
benefits they have received increases the burden of their
responsibility, and a stricter account will have to be rendered to
God who bestowed those blessings upon them. What should also urge
all to the fulfillment of their duty in this regard is the
widespread disaster which will eventually fall upon all classes of
society if his assistance does not arrive in time; and therefore
is it that he who neglects the cause of the distressed masses is
disregarding his own interest as well as that of the community.
20.
If this action, which is social in the Christian sense of the term
develops and grows in accordance with its own nature, there will
be no danger, as is feared, that those other institutions, which
the piety of our ancestors have established and which are now
flourishing, will decline or be absorbed by new foundations. Both
of them spring from the same root of charity and religion, and not
only do not conflict with each other, but can easily be made to
coalesce and combine so perfectly as to provide, all the better by
the pooling of their beneficent efforts, for the needs of the
masses and for the daily increasing perils to which they are
exposed.
21.
The condition of things at present proclaims, and proclaims
vehemently, that there is need for a union of brave minds with all
the resources they can command. The harvest of misery is before
our eyes, and the dreadful projects of the most disastrous
national upheavals are threatening us from the growing power of
the socialistic movement. They have insidiously worked their way
into the very heart of the community, and in the darkness of their
secret gatherings, and in the open light of day, in their writings
and their harangues, they are urging the masses onward to
sedition; they fling aside religious discipline; they scorn
duties; they clamor only for rights; they are working incessantly
on the multitudes of the needy which daily grow greater, and
which, because of their poverty are easily deluded and led into
error. It is equally the concern of the State and of religion, and
all good men should deem it a sacred duty, to preserve and guard
both in the honor which is their due.
22.
That this most desirable agreement of wills should be maintained,
it is essential that all refrain from giving any cause of
dissension which hurt and divide minds. Hence, in newspapers and
in speeches to the people, let them avoid subtle and practically
useless questions which are neither easy to solve nor easy to
understand except by minds of unusual ability and after the most
serious study. It is quite natural for people to hesitate on
doubtful subjects, and that different men should hold different
opinions, but those who sincerely seek after truth will preserve
equanimity, modesty, and courtesy in matters of dispute. They will
not let differences of opinion deteriorate into conflicts of
wills. Besides, to whatever opinion a man's judgment may incline,
if the matter is yet open to discussion, let him keep it, provided
he be always disposed to listen with religious obedience to what
the Holy See may decide on the question.
23.
The action of Catholics, of whatever description it may be, will
work with greater effect if all of the various associations, while
preserving their individual rights, move together under one
primary and directive force. In Italy, We desire that this
directive force should emanate from the Institute of Catholic
Congresses and Reunions so often praised by Us, to which Our
predecessor and We Ourselves have committed the charge of
controlling the common action of Catholics under the authority and
direction of the bishops of the country. So let it be for other
nations, in case there be any leading organization of this
description to which this matter has been legitimately entrusted.
24.
Now, in all questions of this sort where the interests of the
Church and the Christian people are so closely allied, it is
evident what they who are in the sacred ministry should do, and it
is clear how industrious they should be in inculcating right
doctrine and in teaching the duties of prudence and charity. To go
out and move among the people, to exert a healthy influence on
them by adapting themselves to the present condition of things, is
what more than once in addressing the clergy We have advised. More
frequently, also, in writing to the bishops and other dignitaries
of the Church, and especially of late,(15) We have lauded this
affectionate solicitude for the people and declared it to be the
special duty of both the secular and regular clergy. But in the
fulfillment of this obligation let there be the greatest caution
and prudence exerted, and let it be done after the fashion of the
saints. Francis, who was poor and humble, Vincent of Paul, the
father of the afflicted classes, and very many others whom the
Church keeps ever in her memory were wont to lavish their care
upon the people, but in such wise as not to be engrossed overmuch
or to be unmindful of themselves or to let it prevent them from
laboring with the same assiduity in the perfection of their own
soul and the cultivation of virtue.
25.
There remains one thing upon which We desire to insist very
strongly, in which not only the ministers of the Gospel, but also
all those who are devoting themselves to the cause of the people,
can with very little difficulty bring about a most commendable
result. That is to inculcate in the minds of the people, in a
brotherly way and whenever the opportunity presents itself, the
following principles; viz.: to keep aloof on all occasions from
seditious acts and seditious men; to hold inviolate the rights of
others; to show a proper respect to superiors; to willingly
perform the work in which they are employed; not to grow weary of
the restraint of family life which in many ways is so
advantageous; to keep to their religious practices above all, and
in their hardships and trials to have recourse to the Church for
consolation. In the furtherance of all this, it is of great help
to propose the splendid example of the Holy Family of Nazareth,
and to advise the invocation of its protection, and it also helps
to remind the people of the examples of sanctity which have shone
in the midst of poverty, and to hold up before them the reward
that awaits them in the better life to come.
26.
Finally, We return again to what We have already declared and We
insist upon it most solemnly; viz., that whatever projects
individuals or associations form in this matter should be formed
under episcopal authority. Let them not be led astray by an
excessive zeal in the cause of charity. If it leads them to be
wanting in proper submission, it is not a sincere zeal; it will
not have any useful result and cannot be acceptable to God. God
delights in the souls of those who put aside their own designs and
obey the rulers of His Church as if they were obeying Him; He
assists them even when they attempt difficult things and benignly
leads them to their desired end. Let them show, also, examples of
virtue, so as to prove that a Christian is a hater of idleness and
self indulgence, that he stands firm and unconquered in the midst
of adversity. Examples of that kind have a power of moving people
to dispositions of soul that make for salvation, and have all the
greater force as the condition of those who give them is higher in
the social scale.
27.
We exhort you, venerable brethren, to provide for all this, as the
necessities of men and of places may require, according to your
prudence and your zeal, meeting as usual in council to combine
with each other in your plans for the furtherance of these
projects. Let your solicitude watch and let your authority be
effective in controlling, compelling, and also in preventing, lest
any one under the pretext of good should cause the vigor of sacred
discipline to be relaxed or the order which Christ has established
in His Church to be disturbed. Thus, by the rightful, harmonious
and ever-increasing labor of all Catholics, let it become more and
more evident that the tranquility of order and the true
prosperity flourish especially among those peoples whom the Church
controls and influences; and that she holds it as her sacred duty
to admonish everyone of what the law of God enjoins, to unite the
rich and the poor in the bonds of fraternal charity, and to lift
up and strengthen men's souls in the times when adversity presses
heavily upon them.
28.
Let Our commands and Our wishes be confirmed by the words so full
of apostolic charity which the blessed Paul addressed to the
Romans: "I beseech you therefore brethren, be reformed in the
newness of your mind; he that giveth, with simplicity; he that
ruleth, with carefulness; he that showeth mercy, with
cheerfulness. Let love be without dissimulation. Hating that which
is evil; cleaving to that which is good; loving one another with
the charity of brotherhood; anticipate one another in showing
honor; in
carefulness, not slothful; rejoicing in hope; patient in
tribulation; instant in prayer. Contribute to the necessities of
the saints. Pursuing hospitality. Rejoice with them that
rejoice; weep with them that weep; being of one mind to one
another; to no man rendering evil for evil; providing good things
not only in the sight of God but also in the sight of men.(16)
29.
As a pledge of these benefits receive the apostolic benediction
which, venerable brethren, We grant most lovingly in the Lord to
you and your clergy and people.
Given
at St. Peter's in Rome, the eighteenth day of January, 1901, the
twenty third year of Our pontificate.
Endnotes:
1.
See above, Quod Apostolici Muneris, no. 79: Rerum novarum, no.
115. | 2. Eph. 4:4-6. | 3. Rom. 13:1, 5. | 4. Acts 20:28. | 5.
Heb. 13:17. | 6. 1 Jn. 3:18. | 7. Jn. 13:34-35. | 8. Mt. 11:3. |
9. Mt. 11:4-5. | 10. Mt. 25:35-36. | 11. Mk. 8. | 12. Acts 10:38.
| 13. Lk. 11:41. | 14. Mt. 6:2-4. | 15. Letter to the Minister
General of the Minorites, November 25, 1898. | 16.
Rom. 12:1, 2, 8-13, 15-17.
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