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Title: |
Diuturnum
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Descr.: |
On The Origin Of Civil Power
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Pope: |
Pope Leo XIII
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Date: |
June 29, 1881
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To
the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, and Bishops of the Catholic
world in Grace and Communion with the Apostolic See.
1.
The long-continued and most bitter war waged against the divine
authority of the Church has reached the culmination to which it
was tending, the common danger, namely, of human society, and
especially of the civil power on which the public safety chiefly
reposes. In our own times most particularly this result is
apparent. For popular passions now reject, with more boldness than
formerly, every restraint of authority. So great is the license on
all sides, so frequent are seditions and tumults, that not only is
obedience often refused to those who rule states, but a
sufficiently safe guarantee of security does not seem to have been
left to them.
2.
For a long time, indeed, pains have been taken to render rulers
the object of contempt and hatred to the multitude. The flames of
envy thus excited have at last burst forth, and attempts have been
several times made, at very short intervals, on the life of
sovereign princes, either by secret plots or by open attacks. The
whole of Europe was lately filled with horror at the horrible
murder of a most powerful emperor.(1) Whilst the minds of men are
still filled with astonishment at the magnitude of the crime,
abandoned men do not fear publicly to utter threats and
intimidations against other European princes.
3.
These perils to commonwealth, which are before Our eyes, fill Us
with grave anxiety, when We behold the security of rulers and the
tranquility of empires, together with the safety of nations, put
in peril almost from hour to hour. Nevertheless, the divine power
of the Christian religion has given birth to excellent principles
of stability and order for the State, while at the same time it
has penetrated into the customs and institutions of States. And of
this power not the least nor last fruit is a just and wise
proportion of mutual rights and duties in both princes and
peoples. For in the precepts and example of Christ our Lord there
is a wonderful force for restraining in their duty as much those
who obey as those who rule; and for keeping between them that
agreement which is most according to nature, and that concord of
wills, so to speak, from which arises a course of administration
tranquil and free from all disturbance. Wherefore, being, by the
favor of God, entrusted with the government of the Catholic
Church, and made guardian and interpreter of the doctrines of
Christ, We judge that it belongs to Our jurisdiction, venerable
brethren, publicly to set forth what Catholic truth demands of
every one in this sphere of duty; thus making clear also by what
way and by what means measures may be taken for the public safety
in so critical a state of affairs.
4.
Although man, when excited by a certain arrogance and contumacy,
has often striven to cast aside the reins of authority, he has
never yet been able to arrive at the state of obeying no one. In
every association and community of men, necessity itself compels
that some should hold pre-eminence, lest society, deprived of a
prince or head by which it is ruled should come to dissolution and
be prevented from attaining the end for which it was created and
instituted. But, if it was not possible that political power
should be removed from the midst of states, it is certain that men
have used every art to take away its influence and to lessen its
majesty, as was especially the case in the sixteenth century, when
a fatal novelty of opinions infatuated many. Since that epoch, not
only has the multitude striven after a liberty greater than is
just, but it has seen fit to fashion the origin and construction
of the civil society of men in accordance with its own will.
5.
Indeed, very many men of more recent times, walking in the
footsteps of those who in a former age assumed to themselves the
name of philosophers,(2) say that all power comes from the people;
so that those who exercise it in the State do so not as their own,
but as delegated to them by the people, and that, by this rule, it
can be revoked by the will of the very people by whom it was
delegated. But from these, Catholics dissent, who affirm that the
right to rule is from God, as from a natural and necessary
principle.
6.
It is of importance, however, to remark in this place that those
who may be placed over the State may in certain cases be chosen by
the will and decision of the multitude, without opposition to or
impugning of the Catholic doctrine. And by this choice, in truth,
the ruler is designated, but the rights of ruling are not thereby
conferred. Nor is the authority delegated to him, but the person
by whom it is to be exercised is determined upon.
7.
There is no question here respecting forms of government, for
there is no reason why the Church should not approve of the chief
power being held by one man or by more, provided only it be just,
and that it tend to the common advantage. Wherefore, so long as
justice be respected, the people are not hindered from choosing
for themselves that form of government which suits best either
their own disposition, or the institutions and customs of their
ancestors.(3)
8.
But, as regards political power, the Church rightly teaches that
it comes from God, for it finds this clearly testified in the
sacred Scriptures and in the monuments of antiquity; besides, no
other doctrine can be conceived which is more agreeable to reason,
or more in accord with the safety of both princes and peoples.
9.
In truth, that the source of human power is in God the books of
the Old Testament in very many places clearly establish. "By
me kings reign...by me princes rule, and the mighty decree
justice."(4) And in another place: "Give ear you that
rule the people...for power is given you of the Lord and strength
by the Most High."(5) The same thing is contained in the Book
of Ecclesiasticus: "Over every nation he hath set a
ruler."(6) These things, however, which they had learned of
God, men were little by little untaught through heathen
superstition, which even as it has corrupted the true aspect and
often the very concept of things, so also it has corrupted the
natural form and beauty of the chief power. Afterwards, when the
Christian Gospel shed its light, vanity yielded to truth, and that
noble and divine principle whence all authority flows began to
shine forth. To the Roman governor, ostentatiously pretending that
he had the power of releasing and of condemning, our Lord Jesus
Christ answered: "Thou shouldst not have any power against me
unless it were given thee from above."(7) And St. Augustine,
in explaining this passage, says: "Let us learn what He said,
which also He taught by His Apostle, that there is no power but
from God."(8) The faithful voice of the Apostles, as an echo,
repeats the doctrine and precepts of Jesus Christ. The teaching of
Paul to the Romans, when subject to the authority of heathen
princes, is lofty and full of gravity: "There is not power
but from God," from which, as from its cause, he draws this
conclusion: "The prince is the minister of God."(9)
10.
The Fathers of the Church have taken great care to proclaim and
propagate this very doctrine in which they had been instructed.
"We do not attribute," says St. Augustine, "the
power of giving government and empires to any but the true
God."(10) On the same passage St. John Chrysostom says:
"That there are kingdoms, and that some rule, while others
are subject, and that none of these things is brought about by
accident or rashly...is, I say, a work of divine wisdom."(11)
The same truth is testified by St. Gregory the Great, saying:
"We confess that power is given from above to emperors and
kings."(12) Verily the holy doctors have undertaken to
illustrate also the same precepts by the natural light of reason
in such a way that they must appear to be altogether right and
true, even to those who follow reason for their sole guide.
11.
And, indeed, nature, or rather God who is the Author of nature,
wills that man should live in a civil society; and this is clearly
shown both by the faculty of language, the greatest medium of
intercourse, and by numerous innate desires of the mind, and the
many necessary things, and things of great importance, which men
isolated cannot procure, but which they can procure when joined
and associated with others. But now, a society can neither exist
nor be conceived in which there is no one to govern the wills of
individuals, in such a way as to make, as it were, one will out of
many, and to impel them rightly and orderly to the common good;
therefore, God has willed that in a civil society there should be
some to rule the multitude. And this also is a powerful argument,
that those by whose authority the State is administered must be
able so to compel the citizens to obedience that it is clearly a
sin in the latter not to obey. But no man has in himself or of
himself the power of constraining the free will of others by
fetters of authority of this kind. This power resides solely in
God, the Creator and Legislator of all things; and it is necessary
that those who exercise it should do it as having received it from
God. "There is one lawgiver and judge, who is able to destroy
and deliver."(13)And this is clearly seen in every kind of
power. That that which resides in priests comes from God is so
acknowledged that among all nations they are recognized as, and
called, the ministers of God. In like manner, the authority of
fathers of families preserves a certain impressed image and form
of the authority which is in God, "of whom all paternity in
heaven and earth is named."(14) But in this way different
kinds of authority have between them wonderful resemblances,
since, whatever there is of government and authority, its origin
is derived from one and the same Creator and Lord of the world,
who is God.
12.
Those who believe civil society to have risen from the free
consent of men, looking for the origin of its authority from the
same source, say that each individual has given up something of
his right,(15) and that voluntarily every person has put himself
into the power of the one man in whose person the whole of those
rights has been centered. But it is a great error not to see, what
is manifest, that men, as they are not a nomad race, have been
created, without their own free will, for a natural community of
life. It is plain, moreover, that the pact which they allege is
openly a falsehood and a fiction, and that it has no authority to
confer on political power such great force, dignity, and firmness
as the safety of the State and the common good of the citizens
require. Then only will the government have all those ornaments
and guarantees, when it is understood to emanate from God as its
august and most sacred source.
13.
And it is impossible that any should be found not only more true
but even more advantageous than this opinion. For the authority of
the rulers of a State, if it be a certain communication of divine
power, will by that very reason immediately acquire a dignity
greater than human - not, indeed, that impious and most absurd
dignity sometimes desired by heathen emperors when affecting
divine honors, but a true and solid one received by a certain
divine gift and benefaction. Whence it will behoove citizens to
submit themselves and to be obedient to rulers, as to God, not so
much through fear of punishment as through respect for their
majesty; nor for the sake of pleasing, but through conscience, as
doing their duty. And by this means authority will remain far more
firmly seated in its place. For the citizens, perceiving the force
of this duty, would necessarily avoid dishonesty and contumacy,
because they must be persuaded that they who resist State
authority resist the divine will; that they who refuse honor to
rulers refuse it to God Himself.
14.
This doctrine the Apostle Paul particularly inculcated on the
Romans; to whom he wrote with so great authority and weight on the
reverence to be entertained toward the higher powers, that it
seems nothing could be prescribed more weightily: "Let every
soul be subject to higher powers, for there is no power but from
God, and those that are, are ordained of God. Therefore he that
resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that
resist purchase to themselves damnation...wherefore be subject of
necessity, not only for wrath, but also for conscience'
sake."(16) And in agreement with this is the celebrated
declaration of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, on the same
subject: "Be ye subject, therefore, to every human creature
for God's sake; whether it be to the king as excelling, or to
governors, as sent by him for the punishment of evildoers, and for
the praise of the good, for so is the will of God."(17)
15.
The one only reason which men have for not obeying is when
anything is demanded of them which is openly repugnant to the
natural or the divine law, for it is equally unlawful to command
to do anything in which the law of nature or the will of God is
violated. If, therefore, it should happen to any one to be
compelled to prefer one or the other, viz., to disregard either
the commands of God or those of rulers, he must obey Jesus Christ,
who commands us to "give to Caesar the things that are
Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's,"(18) and must
reply courageously after the example of the Apostles: "We
ought to obey God rather than men."(19) And yet there is no
reason why those who so behave themselves should be accused of
refusing obedience; for, if the will of rulers is opposed to the
will and the laws of God, they themselves exceed the bounds of
their own power and pervert justice; nor can their authority then
be valid, which, when there is no justice, is null.
16.
But in order that justice may be retained in government it is of
the highest importance that those who rule States should
understand that political power was not created for the advantage
of any private individual; and that the administration of the
State must be carried on to the profit of those who have been
committed to their care, not to the profit of those to whom it has
been committed. Let princes take example from the Most High God,
by whom authority is given to them; and, placing before themselves
His model in governing the State, let them rule over the people
with equity and faithfulness, and let them add to that severity,
which is necessary, a paternal charity. On this account they are
warned in the oracles of the sacred Scriptures, that they will
have themselves some day to render an account to the King of kings
and Lord of lords; if they shall fail in their duty, that it will
not be possible for them in any way to escape the severity of God:
"The Most High will examine your work and search out your
thoughts: because being ministers of his kingdom you have not
judged rightly...Horribly and speedily will he appear to you, for
a most severe judgement shall be for them that bear rule...For God
will not accept any man's person, neither will he stand in awe of
any man's greatness; for he made the little and the great, and he
hath equally care of all. But a greater punishment is ready for
the more mighty."(20)
17.
And if these precepts protect the State, all cause or desire for
seditions is removed; the honor and security of rulers, the quiet
and well-being of societies will be secure. The dignity also of the
citizen is best provided for; for to them it has been permitted to
retain even in obedience that greatness which conduces to the
excellence of man. For they understand that, in the judgment of
God, there is neither slave nor free man; that there is one Lord
of all, rich "to all that call upon Him,"(21) but that
they on this account submit to and obey their rulers, because
these in a certain sort bring before them the image of God,
"whom to serve is to reign."
18.
But the Church has always so acted that the Christian form of
civil government may not dwell in the minds of men, but that it
may be exhibited also in the life and habits of nations. As long
as there were at the helm of the States pagan emperors, who were
prevented by superstition from rising to that form of imperial
government which We have sketched, she studied how to instill into
the minds of subjects, immediately on their embracing the
Christian institutions, the teaching that they must be desirous of
bringing their lives into conformity with them. Therefore, the
pastors of souls, after the example of the Apostle Paul, were
accustomed to teach the people with the utmost care and diligence
"to be subject to princes and powers, to obey at a
word,"(22) and to pray God for all men and particularly
"for kings and all that are in a high station: for this is
good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour."(23) And
the Christians of old left the most striking proofs of this; for,
when they were harassed in a very unjust and cruel way by pagan
emperors, they nevertheless at no time omitted to conduct
themselves obediently and submissively, so that, in fact, they
seemed to vie with each other: those in cruelty, and these in
obedience.
19.
This great modesty, this fixed determination to obey, was so well
known that it could not be obscured by the calumny and malice of
enemies. On this account, those who were going to plead in public
before the emperors for any persons bearing the Christian name
proved by this argument especially that it was unjust to enact
laws against the Christians because they were in the sight of all
men exemplary in their bearing according to the laws. Athenagoras
thus confidently addresses Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Lucius
Aurelius Commodus, his son: "You allow us, who commit no
evil, yea, who demean ourselves the most piously and justly of all
toward God and likewise toward your government, to be driven
about, plundered and exiled."(24) In like manner, Tertullian
openly praises the Christians because they were the best and
surest friends of all to the Empire: "The Christian is the
enemy of no one, much less of the emperor, whom he knows to be
appointed by God, and whom he must, therefore, of necessity love,
reverence and honor, and wish to be preserved together with the
whole Roman Empire."(25) Nor did he hesitate to affirm that,
within the limits of the Empire, the number of enemies was wont to
diminish just in proportion as the number of Christians
increased.(26) There is also a remarkable testimony to the same
point in the Epistle to Diognetus, which confirms the statement
that the Christians at that period were not only in the habit of
obeying the laws, but in every office they of their own accord did
more, and more perfectly, than they were required to do by the
laws. "Christians observe these things which have obtained
the sanction of the law, and in the character of their lives they
even go beyond the law."(27)
20.
The case, indeed, was different when they were ordered by the
edicts of emperors and the threats of praetors to abandon the
Christian faith or in any way fail in their duty. At these times,
undoubtedly, they preferred to displease men rather than God. Yet,
even under these circumstances, they were so far from doing
anything seditious or despising the imperial majesty that they
took it on themselves only to profess themselves Christians, and
declare that they would not in any way alter their faith. But they
had no thought of resistance, calmly and joyfully they went to the
torture of the rack, in so much that the magnitude of the torments
gave place to their magnitude of mind. During the same period the
force of Christian principles was observed in like manner in the
army. For it was a mark of a Christian soldier to combine the
greatest fortitude with the greatest attention to military
discipline, and to add to nobility of mind immovable fidelity
towards his prince. But, if anything dishonorable was required of
him, as, for instance, to break the laws of God, or to turn his
sword against innocent disciples of Christ, then, indeed, he
refused to execute the orders, yet in such wise that he would
rather retire from the army and die for his religion than oppose
the public authority by means of sedition and tumult.
21.
But afterward, when Christian rulers were at the head of States,
the Church insisted much more on testifying and preaching how much
sanctity was inherent in the authority of rulers. Hence, when
people thought of princedom, the image of a certain sacred majesty
would present itself to their minds, by which they would be
impelled to greater reverence and love of rulers. And on this
account she wisely provides that kings should commence their reign
with the celebration of solemn rites; which, in the Old Testament,
was appointed by divine authority.(28)
22.
But from the time when the civil society of men, raised from the
ruins of the Roman Empire, gave hope of its future Christian
greatness, the Roman Pontiffs, by the institution of the Holy
Empire, consecrated the political power in a wonderful manner.
Greatly, indeed, was the authority of rulers ennobled; and it is
not to be doubted that what was then instituted would always have
been a very great gain, both to ecclesiastical and civil society,
if princes and peoples had ever looked to the same object as the
Church. And, indeed, tranquility and a sufficient prosperity
lasted so long as there was a friendly agreement between these two
powers. If the people were turbulent, the Church was at once the
mediator for peace. Recalling all to their duty, she subdued the
more lawless passions partly by kindness and partly by authority.
So, if, in ruling, princes erred in their government, she went to
them and, putting before them the rights, needs, and lawful wants
of their people, urged them to equity, mercy, and kindness. Whence
it was often brought about that the dangers of civil wars and
popular tumults were stayed.
23.
On the other hand, the doctrines on political power invented by
late writers have already produced great ills amongst men, and it
is to be feared that they will cause the very greatest disasters
to posterity. For an unwillingness to attribute the right of
ruling to God, as its Author, is not less than a willingness to
blot out the greatest splendor of political power and to destroy
its force. And they who say that this power depends on the will of
the people err in opinion first of all; then they place authority
on too weak and unstable a foundation. For the popular passions,
incited and goaded on by these opinions, will break out more
insolently; and, with great harm to the common weal, descend
headlong by an easy and smooth road to revolts and to open
sedition. In truth, sudden uprisings and the boldest rebellions
immediately followed in Germany the so-called Reformation,(29) the
authors and leaders of which, by their new doctrines, attacked at
the very foundation religious and civil authority; and this with
so fearful an outburst of civil war and with such slaughter that
there was scarcely any place free from tumult and bloodshed. From
this heresy there arose in the last century a false philosophy - a
new right as it is called, and a popular authority, together with
an unbridled license which many regard as the only true liberty.
Hence we have reached the limit of horrors, to wit, communism,
socialism, nihilism, hideous deformities of the civil society of
men and almost its ruin. And yet too many attempt to enlarge the
scope of these evils, and under the pretext of helping the
multitude, already have fanned no small flames of misery. The
things we thus mention are neither unknown nor very remote from
us.
24.
This, indeed, is all the graver because rulers, in the midst of
such threatening dangers, have no remedies sufficient to restore
discipline and tranquility. They supply themselves with the power
of laws, and think to coerce, by the severity of their punishment,
those who disturb their governments. They are right to a certain
extent, but yet should seriously consider that no power of
punishment can be so great that it alone can preserve the State.
For fear, as St. Thomas admirably teaches, "is a weak
foundation; for those who are subdued by fear would, should an
occasion arise in which they might hope for immunity, rise more
eagerly against their rulers, in proportion to the previous extent
of their restraint through fear." And besides, "from too
great fear many fall into despair; and despair drives men to
attempt boldly to gain what they desire."(30) That these
things are so we see from experience. It is therefore necessary to
seek a higher and more reliable reason for obedience, and to say
explicitly that legal severity cannot be efficacious unless men
are led on by duty, and moved by the salutary fear of God. But
this is what religion can best ask of them, religion which by its
power enters into the souls and bends the very wills of men
causing them not only to render obedience to their rulers, but
also to show their affection and good will, which is in every
society of men the best guardian of safety.
25.
For this reason the Roman Pontiffs are to be regarded as having
greatly served the public good, for they have ever endeavored to
break the turbulent and restless spirit of innovators, and have
often warned men of the danger they are to civil society. In this
respect we may worthily recall to mind the declaration of Clement
VII to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary: "In the cause
of faith your own dignity and advantage and that of other rulers
is included, since the faith cannot be shaken without your
authority being brought down; which has been most clearly shown in
several instances." In the same way the supreme forethought
and courage of Our predecessors have been shown, especially of
Clement XI, Benedict XIV, and Leo XII,(31) who, when in their day
the evil of vicious doctrine was more widely spreading and the
boldness of the sects was becoming greater, endeavored by their
authority to close the door against them. And We Ourselves have
several times declared what great dangers are impending, and have
pointed out the best ways of warding them off. To princes and
other rulers of the State we have offered the protection of
religion, and we have exhorted the people to make abundant use of
the great benefits which the Church supplies. Our present object
is to make rulers understand that this protection, which is
stronger than any, is again offered to them; and We earnestly
exhort them in our Lord to defend religion, and to consult the
interest of their Lord to defend religion, and to consult the
interest of their States by giving that liberty to the Church
which cannot be taken away without injury and ruin to the
commonwealth.
26.
The Church of Christ, indeed, cannot be an object of suspicion to
rulers, nor of hatred to the people; for it urges rulers to follow
justice, and in nothing to decline from their duty; while at the
same time it strengthens and in many ways supports their
authority. All things that are of a civil nature the Church
acknowledges and declares to be under the power and authority of
the ruler; and in things whereof for different reasons the
decision belongs both to the sacred and to the civil power, the
Church wishes that there should be harmony between the two so that
injurious contests may be avoided. As to what regards the people,
the Church has been established for the salvation of all men and
has ever loved them as a mother. For it is the Church which by the
exercise of her charity has given gentleness to the minds of men,
kindness to their manners, and justice to their laws. Never
opposed to honest liberty, the Church has always detested a
tyrant's rule. This custom which the Church has ever had of
deserving well of mankind is notably expressed by St. Augustine
when he says that "the Church teaches kings to study the
welfare of their people, and people to submit to their kings,
showing what is due to all: and that to all is due charity and to
no one injustice."(32)
27.
For these reasons, venerable brethren, your work will be most
useful and salutary if you employ with us every industry and
effort which God has given you in order to avert the dangers and
evils of human society. Strive with all possible care to make men
understand and show forth in their lives what the Catholic Church
teaches on government and the duty of obedience. Let the people be
frequently urged by your authority and teaching to fly from the
forbidden sects, to abhor all conspiracy, to have nothing to do
with sedition, and let them understand that they who for God's
sake obey their rulers render a reasonable service and a generous
obedience. And as it is God "who gives safety to
kings,"(33) and grants to the people "to rest in the
beauty of peace and in the tabernacles of confidence and in
wealthy repose,"(34) it is to Him that we must pray,
beseeching Him to incline all minds to uprightness and truth, to
calm angry passions, to restore the long wished-for tranquility to
the world.
28.
That we may pray with greater hope, let us take as our
intercessors and protectors of our welfare the Virgin Mary, the
great Mother of God, the help of Christians, and protector of the
human race; St. Joseph, her chaste spouse, in whose patronage the
whole Church greatly trusts; and the Princes of the Apostles,
Peter and Paul, the guardians and protectors of the Christian
name.
Given
at St. Peter's in Rome, the twenty-ninth day of June, 1881, the
third year of Our pontificate.
Endnotes:
1.
An allusion to Alexander II (1818-81), Emperor of Russia. | 2. The name of Philosophers is usually given to a
group of eighteenth-century French writers, especially Voltaire,
d'Aleinbert and Diderot. | 3. Intro., p. 13-15. | 4. Prov.
8:15-16. | 5. Wis. 6:3-4. | 6. Ecclus. 7:14. | 7. Jn. 19:11. | 8.
Tract. 116 in Joan., n. S (PL 35, 1942). | 9. Rom. 13:1-4. | 10.
De civ., Dei, 5, 21 (PL 41, 167). | 11. In Epist. ad Rom., Homil.
23, n. 1 (PG 60, 615). | 12. In Epist. lib. 11, epist. 61. | 13.
Jms. 4:12. | 14. Eph. 3:15. | 15. An allusion to the doctrine of
"Social contract," developed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau
(1712-78), which purports that all political power comes
to rulers from the people. | 16. Rom. 13:1-2, 5. | 17. 1 Pt. 2:13,
15. | 18. Mt. 22:21. | 19. Acts 5:29. | 20. Wis. 6:4-6, 8-9. | 21.
Rom. 10:12. | 22. Ti. 3:1. | 23. 1 Tm. 2:1-3. | 24. Legatio pro
christianis, 1 (PG 6, 891B-894A). | 25. Apolog., 35. | 26. Apolog.,
37 (PL 1, 526A). | 27. Ad Diogn., 10. | 28. 1 Kgs. 9:16; 10:1; 16:13. | 29.
Especially the Peasant Revolt and its repression by the German
princes. Even Luther then had to stress the duty of the citizens
to obey the civil power (On the Civil Power, 1523). | 30.
On the Governance of Rulers, 1, 10. | 31. Clement XI (1700-21);
Benedict XIV (1740-58); Leo XII (1823-29). | 32. De mor. eccl., 1,
30, 53 (PL 32, 1236). | 33. Ps. 152:11. | 34. Isa. 37:18.
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